By Mark Kozub, Janice Kozub

Earlier than changing into the oil capital of the country, Calgary used to be a nineteenth-century boomtown within the center of Alberta. The roots of significant prosperity have been turning out to be, although politicians and most of the people believed the West used to be most sensible left to the trapper and trader.

Nurtured by way of a feeling of imaginative and prescient and the sweat of excellent out of date exertions, Calgary grew, and has now blossomed right into a world-class cosmopolitan urban famous for its burgeoning oil and fuel undefined, its famed Calgary Zoo, and naturally, the Stampede. A Calgary Album is a sentimental trip right into a farm animals city that became a lot more. via sixty-five excellent black and white photos and interesting storytelling, the authors take the reader again to the time of the "real" cowboys, to the times while the streetcar gave the look of technological know-how fiction, throughout the melancholy, the nice wars, the days of growth, bust, and restoration. We revisit the movers, the shakers, and the honourable daily those who grew to become this "cow town" right into a urban worthy bragging approximately.

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Au niveau supranational, l’identité arabe est tiraillée entre, d’une part, un courant nationaliste arabe d’orientation plus ou moins laïque, qui a été dominant immédiatement après les indépendances (décennies 1950 et 1960) et, d’autre part, un courant islamique qui privilégie, pour les sociétés arabes, l’appartenance à l’Islam comme culture, comme civilisation et comme cadre d’action politique. Ce courant islamique est accompagné par un courant islamiste qui cherche à redéfinir l’identité culturelle des sociétés arabes essentiellement par la religion de leurs majorités, l’islam, au détriment des droits des minorités.

Mais, quelquefois, cette messe sera aussi une occasion de regroupement de tendances politiques (aujourd’hui minoritaires parmi les chrétiens libanais) qui contesteront avec virulence l’appartenance du Liban à la nation arabe, lui préférant une identité phénicienne plutôt mythique. ) refuseront obstinément que les associations dans lesquelles ces activités ont lieu prennent position sur des questions de politique internationale, ou deviennent membres de la Fédération canado-arabe, par exemple. Cela est vrai, en particulier, des associations qui regroupent les Québécois égyptiens d’origine syro-libanaise.

Les immigrants d’origine arabe qui se reconnaissent dans Les communautés et les associations arabo-musulmanes 21 l’identité arabe auront tendance à se reconnaître aussi dans les demandes de la Fédération canado-arabe, par exemple, en ce qui concerne la politique canadienne à l’égard de la Palestine, alors qu’une proportion importante des associations représentant les minorités chrétiennes du monde arabe auront tendance à être indifférentes, et quelquefois hostiles, à de telles demandes (mis à part les chrétiens palestiniens qui ont joué un rôle fondamental dans le mouvement national palestinien, laïque et panarabe).

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